Chips Are the New Oil and America Is Spending Billions to Safeguard Its Supply

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Only in the past two years has the U.S. fully grasped that semiconductors are now as central to modern economies as oil.

In the digitizing world, power tools commonly come with Bluetooth chips that track their locations. Appliances have added chips to manage electricity use. In 2021, the average car contained about 1,200 chips worth $600, twice as many as in 2010.

The supply-chain crunch that created a chip shortage brought the lesson home. Auto makers lost $210 billion of sales last year because of missing chips, according to consulting firm AlixPartners. Competition with China has stoked concerns that it could dominate key chip sectors, for either civilian or military uses, or even block U.S. access to components.

Now the government and companies are spending billions on a frenetic effort to build up domestic manufacturing and safeguard the supply of chips. Since 2020, semiconductor companies have proposed more than 40 projects across the country worth nearly $200 billion that would create 40,000 jobs, according to the Semiconductor Industry Association.

It’s a big bet on an industry that is defining the contours of international economic competition and determining countries’ political, technological and military advantage.

“Where the oil reserves are located has defined geopolitics for the last five decades,” Intel Corp. INTC Chief Executive Pat Gelsinger declared at a Wall Street Journal conference in October. “Where the chip factories are for the next five decades is more important.”

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Such pleas also lent urgency to the Biden administration’s efforts, led by Ms. Raimondo, to pass the Chips and Science Act. The U.S. has long been leery of industrial policy, under which the government rather than the market steers resources to particular industries. Many economists criticize industrial policy as picking winners. But many Republican and Democratic legislators argue that semiconductors should be an exception because, like oil, they have vital civilian and military uses.

Soon after the act passed, Intel, which had pushed Congress to pass the legislation for two years, broke ground on a $20 billion project in Ohio. The Commerce Department will announce guidelines next month for how the law’s manufacturing subsidies will be awarded.

American scientists and engineers invented and commercialized semiconductors starting in the 1940s, and today U.S. companies still dominate the most lucrative links in the semiconductor supply chain: the design of chips, software tools that translate those designs into actual semiconductors, and, with competitors in Japan and the Netherlands, the multimillion-dollar machines that etch chip designs onto wafers inside fabrication plants, or fabs.

But the actual fabrication of semiconductors has been increasingly outsourced to Asia. The U.S. share of global chip manufacturing has eroded, from 37% in 1990 to 12% in 2020, while mainland China’s share has gone from around zero to about 15%, according to Boston Consulting Group and SIA. Taiwan and South Korea each accounted for a little over 20%.

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The concentration of so much chip production in three hot spots—China, Taiwan and South Korea—unsettles U.S. military and political leaders. They worry that if China achieved dominance in leading-edge semiconductors, on its own or by invading Taiwan, it would threaten the U.S. economy and national security in a way Japan, an ally, didn’t when it briefly dominated semiconductor manufacturing in the 1980s.

Starting around 2016, U.S. officials began blocking Chinese efforts to procure front-line chip companies and technology. Many in Washington were blindsided last July when a Canadian research firm reported that China’s largest chip maker, Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corp., had begun to manufacture 7-nanometer chips—a level of sophistication thought beyond its ability.

With little warning, on Oct. 7, the U.S. government installed the broadest-ever restrictions on chip-related exports to China. The U.S. had long been willing to let Chinese semiconductor capabilities advance, as long as the U.S. maintained a lead. The new controls go much further, seeking to hold China in place while the U.S. and its allies race ahead.

Meanwhile, U.S. officials hope federal subsidies will lead to factories that are sufficiently large and advanced to remain competitive and profitable long into the future. “We have got to figure out a way through every piece of leverage we have…to push these companies to go bigger,” Ms. Raimondo said in an interview. “I need Intel to think about taking that $20 billion facility in Ohio and making it a $100 billion facility. We’ve got to convince TSMC or Samsung that they can go from 20,000 wafers a month to 100,000 and be successful and profitable in the United States. That’s the whole game here.”

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Even if the U.S. doesn’t succeed in securing the entire semiconductor supply chain, it does have a chance to reverse the recent historical pattern of losing leadership in one manufacturing sector after another, including passenger cars, railroad equipment, machine tools, consumer electronics and solar panels.

“I don’t think we’ve ever done this before: Try in a conscious, targeted way to regain market share in an industry where we were once the leader, but then lost it,” said Rob Atkinson, president of the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation, which advocates government support of manufacturing.

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