Willie Stroker

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Thank goodness I never did DNA testing.

Unfortunately my sister did, so I can probably get linked that way.

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OR… properly dispose of bodies to eliminate the possibility of dna collection like the rest of us do.

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Jay Johnson mismanages pitchers

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Tell us oh wise one what better pitcher management looks like.

What is the better strategy that would have won these last 2 games?

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LSU exposed

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Well…that’s baseball.

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Where did they even get the watermelon bubblegum bit from?

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It was totally irrelevant and obviously risky.

Yet they did it.

That was a total Howard Cosell move.

Preach.

My wife is hating on the HOFer only because he’s butting into this game.

I don’t care as much. I’m not in it for the sports talk.

Is this the first time we’ve seen Curiel NOT get on base in either of his 1st 2 ABs?

And when I ask Grok3 to debunk Booker’s reasons, I get this:

Let’s break down and address Cory Booker’s concerns about the HALT Fentanyl Act one by one, offering counterpoints rooted in the bill’s intent and practical implications.

1. **"Fails to address root causes of the opioid crisis"**
Booker argues the bill focuses on criminalization rather than root causes like addiction or socioeconomic drivers. However, the HALT Fentanyl Act targets the immediate supply-side threat: illicit fentanyl flooding the market, often via cartels. By permanently classifying fentanyl-related substances (FRS) as Schedule I, it aims to disrupt trafficking networks responsible for over 70,000 overdose deaths in 2023 alone, per CDC data. While it doesn’t directly fund treatment, it complements demand-side efforts by choking off the deadliest contributor. Critics could argue that without supply, demand persists—but the counter is that reducing availability saves lives now, buying time for longer-term solutions.

2. **"Hindering research into fentanyl analogues"**
Booker worries that Schedule I status stifles research into potentially beneficial analogues, like overdose reversal drugs. This overstates the barrier. Schedule I doesn’t ban research; it requires DEA approval and strict protocols—already standard for controlled substances. Fentanyl itself, a Schedule II drug, is heavily researched for medical use (e.g., anesthesia). The National Institute on Drug Abuse notes that Schedule I substances like LSD have active research programs. The bill’s focus is on illicit analogues, not vetted compounds, and exceptions can be made via the FDA’s regulatory process if a specific analogue shows promise. The risk of delaying research is outweighed by the immediate threat of untested, lethal variants.

3. **"Disproportionate harm from mandatory minimums"**
Booker’s concern about mandatory minimums disproportionately impacting marginalized communities assumes the bill broadly targets low-level offenders. In reality, it emphasizes traffickers and distributors—those moving large quantities across borders or into communities. The DOJ has increasingly prioritized high-level prosecutions under similar laws, with 2023 data showing 60% of fentanyl cases involved over 400 grams, far beyond personal use. Mandatory minimums deter organized crime, not just punish users, and the bill includes provisions for judicial discretion in sentencing. Historical data from the 1980s crackdown on cocaine trafficking suggests supply-focused enforcement can reduce street-level harm when paired with treatment funding—which Congress has separately boosted via the SUPPORT Act.

4. **"False hope" vs. effective action**
Booker calls the bill “false hope” for affected families, favoring treatment and prevention. Yet, families of overdose victims often demand tougher action against traffickers—see advocacy from groups like Families Against Fentanyl. The bill’s permanence replaces a temporary scheduling order (in place since 2018), which reduced fentanyl seizures by 25% per CBP stats, suggesting real impact. Treatment is critical, but it’s not an either/or choice—stopping the flow of poison amplifies recovery efforts by reducing exposure risk.

In short, Booker’s objections lean on valid principles—treatment over punishment, equity in justice—but misjudge the bill’s scope and urgency. The HALT Fentanyl Act isn’t a cure-all, but it’s a pragmatic tool to stem a crisis killing thousands monthly, not a blunt instrument against the vulnerable.

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and AOC is unliked.

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By the Old Guard.

Republicans love her, as do younger Dems, but both for different reasons.

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This is the type of vandalism I can support

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Missed opportunity. Take note.

This is the type of vandalism I can get behind.

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Pitching about to be exposed.

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By UT?

There are 101 college baseball teams that handle pitchers better than UT, based on OBP. For context, fellow rival LSU is 3rd in the nation.

Good luck with that.