I have little hope that this area will ever change.
there will come a day when people choose leadership which can transcend our differences and help to find common ground as human beings.
I don't want to have any discussion at any time with trackfan on Israel because it's a complete waste of everyone's time
Based on comments, the Muslim Brotherhood isn't about anything but intolerance either. So I'm not sure we can know for sure which option is better. Both are bad and will either keep the country in a bad spot (military status quo) or maybe even a worse spot (Muslim Brotherhood) as far as stability in the region goes.
quote:like in Iran?
History has shown the electoral considerations has a moderating influence on extremist political factions since, like all politicians, once they get in office, they want to get reelected.
The Supreme Leader (Ayatoollah Khamenei) isn't elected. I thought you would know better than that.
GTFO. Ahmanutjob is """elected""". I know, I know -- You claim Ahmanutjob is only the 19th most powerful person in the chain of command, or some such BS. Regardless, the point is Middle East "elections" are for the most part historically far from determinative of the peoples' will. I thought you would know better than to assert otherwise.
Doc, I just call him Slow Runner as a result of him knowing so little about the history of the ME.
quote:Image: http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_cdqdRjExLbc/S9M626gJKiI/AAAAAAAAAeE/VChb1PlGgh0/s1600/WHOOSH2%5B1%5D.gifquote:Even if Ahmadinejad was elected in a "free and fair" election - which wasn't since everyone knows that they didn't even bother to count the votes in 2009
the point is Middle East "elections" are for the most part historically far from determinative of the peoples' will. I thought you would know better than to assert otherwise.
Egyptian election officials said Wednesday that they were postponing the announcement of a winner in last week’s presidential runoff, saying they needed more time to evaluate charges of electoral abuse that could affect who becomes the country’s next leader.
The commission had been expected to confirm a winner on Thursday and, based on a public vote count confirmed in official news media, to have named Mohamed Morsi, of the Muslim Brotherhood.
The surprise delay intensified a power struggle between the Muslim Brotherhood and Egypt’s military rulers. It came just days after the generals who took over upon the ouster of Hosni Mubarak reimposed martial law, shut down the Brotherhood-led Parliament, issued an interim charter slashing the new president’s power and took significant control over the writing of a new constitution.
The new uncertainty about the presidential election results has only heightened the atmosphere of crisis here and raised deep doubts about Egypt’s promised transition to democracy. The generals had promised to hand over power after the election.
Although the vote count appeared to make Mr. Morsi the winner by a margin of nearly one million votes, his opponent, Ahmed Shafik, has also declared himself the winner. A former air force general and Mr. Mubarak’s last prime minister, Mr. Shafik campaigned as a strongman who could keep the Islamists of the Brotherhood in check. His campaign has filed complaints with the election commission charging the Brotherhood with systematic violations of the electoral laws.
The military-led regime has time on its side. Not so the leaders of the renewed popular push in Tahrir. Egyptians are tired of 16 months of political chaos, and the opposition hasn't proven it's able to stay united for long.
The Brotherhood's dictatorial and power-hungry tendencies have alienated friends and made them enemies. Several times in the past year, the group tried to strike its own deals with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, or SCAF, and ended up with nothing. "They got greedy and were eaten alive by the SCAF," says Mohammed Kassas, a former young activist in the Brotherhood who broke with them to create a moderate Islamist movement, Egyptian Current.
But the prospect of the old regime's survival by constitutional fiat or a Shafik victory has focused minds. Moaz Abdel Karim, who also helped form the Current, was surprised to find himself Wednesday back inside a Brotherhood office working with them. "We have no other choice," he said sheepishly, before meeting Mr. Baltagi. "If Shafik comes to power, we will be sent back to jail."
Ahmed Maher, a founder of the April 6 youth movement, held his nose and voted for Mr. Morsi. Starting with Tuesday night's rally, he joined the Islamists back in Tahrir Square. "We still believe there is maybe a hope in the Muslim Brotherhood," he says, without conviction.
The Brotherhood, a hierarchical secret society founded in 1928, now promises to share power through a coalition government. The failure of Egypt's Islamists to work with secular groups other than in the streets has made it easier for the Egyptian "deep state" to divide and hold on. Most of the blame for this stillborn transition belongs with the military.
The announcement of an official winner of the presidential election, originally due on Thursday, was indefinitely delayed on Wednesday night here, supposedly to investigate fraud claims—all the better for the regime to see if the protests hold up. Many Egyptians want their normal lives back. Cairo taxi drivers are again cursing the demonstrators for snarling traffic: These are the Shafik voters.
If the SCAF declares Mr. Shafik the victor, the scenes in Tahrir will probably get ugly. But will the street settle for a Morsi presidency without the other demands to restore parliament and rescind the military's constitutional decree? The military could anoint him without conceding any real power. He would have no authority, but all the responsibility—a recipe for failure. "The SCAF plays it very well," says Salafist politician Nader Bakar, "like a chess game."