re: Normandy Church Terror: ISIS Slits Throat of Preist and Takes Nuns Hostage

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This statement means almost nothing. That's like saying on Dec 6th, 1941 "The notion that we will be attacked without warning by the empire of Japan is just not supported by facts. It's never happened before and to so state is simply fear mongering."

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te last fall, just a few weeks before the coördinated attacks in Paris, a Brookings Institution researcher named Chris Meserole assembled all the data he could find about which countries isis fighters came from, and began to run programs looking for correlations. Much of the scholarship in the evolving field of terror analysis emphasized jihadists’ networks and their psychological profiles, but Meserole and his collaborator, Will McCants, were interested in a separate line of questions. What was the social position of Sunni Muslims in each country that sent jihadis to Syria, and did any aspects of that position seem to correspond with the number they sent? Meserole thought that some new analytics techniques could help cut through the data, and once he applied them he found several correlations. Two were not especially strong or surprising: countries where Sunni Muslims were densely concentrated in cities, and where they had especially high rates of youth unemployment, tended to produce more isis fighters. But the third was striking. The most powerful variable by far in predicting how many jihadis a country would produce was whether the people in that country spoke French.

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In April, 2010, after a high-profile debate, France’s government began enforcing a national law that effectively prohibited Muslim women from wearing the niqab or burqa, which cover the face, in public. In July, 2011, Belgium passed a similar law. (Tunisia, which long had a ban on the veil on the books, had begun enforcing it in 2006.)

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Meserole met with a terrorism researcher named Amarnath Amarasingam, a fellow at Dalhousie University, in Nova Scotia, who had been studying the sixteen people who left Quebec to join the fight in Syria. Amarasingam believed that a high-profile, failed campaign to ban the niqab at citizenship ceremonies in Quebec may have played an important role. Fourteen of the sixteen jihadis had left the province after the bill was debated. In interviewing the fighters’ family members, Amarasingham found that the bill had been a “big catalyst” in their radicalization, he told Meserole. It was at that point, Meserole told me, that “I thought we might actually be on to something.” Spokesmen for isis have sometimes said that the group’s goal in recruitment is to eliminate the “gray area” in which people feel both Muslim and part of the West. Maybe the debates over the veil, Meserole and McCants came to believe, had helped do that for them. (Quebec has not had the same strictly secular tradition, which to Meserole made this an especially interesting case of what happened when political ideas were imported directly from France.)

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Americans, by contrast, may find a kind of national relief in McCants and Meserole’s hypothesis. Compared to “the fashion police of Paris,” we are comfortable with religious diversity and religious expression, and perhaps this is a source of insulation against isis recruitment here. But the real pressure is not on the strength of religious freedom but on the possibility of hyphenated identity—on whether a person feels able to be both Muslim and French, or both Muslim and American. Formal enforcement of secular culture may be the force that works most directly against dual identity, but lower-amplitude advertisements of comfort and hostility, the daily interactions that a person has, matter, too. One common theme in the radicalization stories that foreign fighters told, Meserole said, was feeling ostracized at school for being Muslim.

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You and the others refuse to see that we face any threat from Muslim terrorists and no amount of debate will change your mind.

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kinda hard to carpet bomb an ideology

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upgrayedd

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